The experience of the National Front for the Liberation of Occupied South Yemen, and the glorious October 14 Revolution, is part of the Yemeni revolutionary legacy. It changed the national liberation movements in the twentieth century.
Knowing the experience has practical importance today in understanding the reality of the British colonial strategy and confronting new forms of current conspiracies, as the challenges that faced the Yemeni national movement in the past are similar to the colonial dangers that threaten the nation today.
The facts of the Yemeni battle today, with the aggressive military coalition led by Saudi Arabia and the UAE and supported by Western countries, are similar to the facts of the popular liberation war, in that the political geography in which the events took place is the same, namely the southern and eastern governorates and the western coast.
In terms of the fact that the conspiring Saudi neighbor is the same old and new one that previously received the sultans and sponsored the formation of mercenary armies to support aggressive military operations against the independent government in Aden.
Likewise, the aggressive American-Atlantic position in the corridors and international forums was supporting the British moves to consider the Union government – a creation of Britain – as a legitimate government and trying to implement United Nations resolutions in accordance with British trends, which is what is happening in the current situation, in terms of dealing with the pro-Saudi government with Security Council resolutions.
The experience of the revolution to liberate occupied southern Yemen is also similar to our current reality in that the general British colonial policy that it implemented during colonialism and in the face of the October 14 Revolution is the policy that is being implemented today in southern Yemen through Saudi Arabia, the Emirates, and the United States, with British and French participation.
We find in the experience of British colonialism’s dealings with the puppet powers similar models to the overthrow of the “Bahah” government, then the overthrow of “Hadi” presidency, and the formation of the “Al-Alimi Council”. Getting rid of the burned cards and renewing them by adding new names, puppet powers and under new titles is the new old British policy.
The experience is similar to our current reality in geopolitical issues related to islands, sea straits ,coasts, and efforts to separate Al-Mahra, Socotra and Hadhramaut. As in the previous experience, Britain repeatedly tried to keep the Yemeni islands under its control, especially Mayon Island, which governs Bab al-Mandab Strait.
And the economic issues related to financial compensation, and the retreat of mercenaries from the Yemeni identity. Regarding the issue of compensation, Britain had pledged before the international community that it would support the new independence government after handing over power to it, but it later retracted this promise, which is close to obstructing the issue of oil employee salaries, Yemeni gas, and it is possible that later the aggression countries will not fulfill their obligations in compensation and reconstruction.
Also, the Liberation Front’s experience with the National Front is somewhat similar to Ali Saleh’s experience with Ansar Allah, as Saleh tried to blow up the war in the capital, Sana’a, in the service of the aggression coalition, calling for opening a new page with it, which is what the Liberation Front had previously done in terms of political coordination with Britain and blowing up the war in Aden.
At the level of international relations, the two experiences are similar in the lack of international recognition of the National Forces and their classification as a terrorist organization. That position still prevails implicitly towards Ansar Allah, and it is the same position that was prevalent by Britain and the West towards the National Front, which was considered in their view to be a terrorist organization, this classification has not been removed, except in the last months of the year of independence 1967 AD, when the victory of the revolution became a reality.
We also find in experience an attempt to join the national forces with the puppet forces to form a joint government and distance the foreign aggressor from obligations. The strategy that the aggression is trying to impose today was previously tried to implement through more than one call and government formation, but it failed.
Such an option will be repeated after the end of the aggression, as the aggression countries seek to overcome the international nature of the war and the foreign aggression against Yemen, and attempt to resolve the crisis as an issue of a Yemeni-Yemeni conflict entirely without recognizing any foreign colonial dimension to the conflict.
Source: Yemen News Agency
